Letter 158

You think I am disturbed by a great agitation of mind. I am, but not as greatly as I perhaps seem to you. Every anxiety is lightened once a plan is settled, or once thinking can untangle nothing. I could spend whole days lamenting - and in fact the matter deserves it - but I am afraid that, since I accomplish nothing, I may even disgrace our studies and writings. So I spend all my time considering the power of that man whom, in my books, I have tried to portray carefully enough, as you think: the statesman. Do you remember that governor of the republic to whom I wanted everything referred? In the fifth book, I think, Scipio says something like this: "As a favorable course is set before the pilot, health before the doctor, and victory before the commander, so before this governor of the republic is set the happy life of the citizens: secure in resources, rich in abundance, broad in glory, honorable in virtue. I want him to be the finisher of this greatest and best work among human beings." Our Gnaeus never thought of this before, and least of all in this cause. Dominion was sought by both men. They did not act so that the citizen body might be happy and honorable. Nor did Pompey leave the city because he could not defend it, or Italy because he was driven from it. From the beginning he had this in mind: to move every land and every sea, stir up foreign kings, bring armed wild peoples into Italy, and assemble enormous armies. That Sullan kind of monarchy has long been desired by many who are with him. Do you think no agreement between them could have been made, no pact? It could be made even today. But neither man has this as his aim, that we should be happy. Each wants to rule. You invited me to do this, so I have briefly laid out what I think of these evils. I am prophesying, then, my Atticus - not raving like Cassandra, whom no one believed, but looking ahead by inference. Now, on the great sea, I can prophesy in much the same way: such an Iliad of evils hangs over us. Our case, we who are at home, is more serious than that of those who crossed with Pompey, because they fear one man while we fear both. "Why, then, did we remain?" you ask. Either I obeyed you, or I failed to meet Pompey, or this was the more proper course. I say you will see poor Italy trampled next summer by the slaves of both sides, gathered from every sort of people. It is not so much a proscription that must be feared - though such threats are said to have been loudly announced at Luceria - as universal destruction. I see such great forces of both men coming into conflict. You have my forecast. Perhaps you were expecting some consolation. I find none. Nothing can be more miserable, more ruined, or more foul. You ask what Caesar has written to me. The same thing often: that it is most pleasing to him that I am quiet, and he asks me to persist in it. The younger Balbus brought the same instructions. His journey was to the consul Lentulus with Caesar's letters and promises of rewards if Lentulus returned to Rome. But when I count the days, I think he will have crossed the sea before he can be met. I wanted you to know the carelessness of the two letters Pompey sent me, and the diligence of my replies. I have sent you copies. I am waiting to see what Caesar's rush through Apulia to Brundisium accomplishes. If only there were something like the Parthian affair. As soon as I hear anything, I will write to you. Please write to me about the talk of the good men, who are said to be numerous in Rome. I know you do not go out in public, but you must still hear many things. I remember that Demetrius of Magnesia sent you a book On Concord. Please send it to me. You see what role I am rehearsing.

As you suppose, I am in great anxiety of mind: but it is not so great as you may imagine. I am rid of care, as soon as resolve is fixed or thought proves futile. Still I may lament my lot as I do all day long. But I fear, since lamentation is idle, I disgrace my philosophy and my works. So I spend my time considering the character of the ideal statesman, who is sketched clearly enough, you seem to think, in my books on the Republic. You remember then the standard by which our ideal governor was to weigh his acts. Here are Scipio's words, in the 5th book, I think it is: "As a safe voyage is the aim of the pilot, health of the physician, victory of the general, so the ideal statesman will aim at happiness for the citizens of the state to give them material security, copious wealth, wide-reaching distinction and untarnished honour. This, the greatest and finest of human achievements, I want him to perform." Pompey never had this notion and least of all in the present cause. Absolute power is what he and Caesar have sought; their aim has not been to secure the happiness and honour of the community. Pompey has not abandoned Rome, because it was impossible to defend, nor Italy on forced compulsion; but it was his idea from the first to plunge the world into war, to stir up barbarous princes, to bring savage tribes into Italy under arms, and to gather a huge army. A sort of Sulla's reign has long been his object, and is the desire of many of his companions. Or do you think that no agreement, no compromise between him and Caesar was possible? Why, it is possible to-day: but neither of them looks to our happiness. Both want to be kings. At your request I have given an outline of my views; for you wanted an expression of my opinion on these troubles. So I play the prophet, my dear Atticus, not at random like Cassandra whom no one believed, but with imaginative insight. "Now on the great sea" my prophecy runs like the old tag: such an Iliad of woe hangs over us. The case of us, who stay at home, is worse than that of those who have gone with Pompey, for they have only one to fear, while we have both. You ask then, why I stay. Well, in compliance with your request, or because I could not meet Pompey on his departure, or because it was the more honourable course. I say you will see poor Italy trodden down next summer or in the hands of their slaves drawn from every quarter of the globe. It will not be a proscription (in spite of the talk and threats we hear of at Luceria) which we shall have to dread, but general destruction. So huge are the forces that will join in the struggle. That is my prophecy. Perhaps you looked for consolation. I see none: we have reached the limit of misery, ruin and disgrace. You inquire what Caesar said in his letter. The usual thing, that my inaction pleases him, and he begs me to maintain it. Balbus the younger brought the same message by word of mouth. Balbus was travelling to Lentulus the consul with letters from Caesar, and promises of reward, if he would go back to Rome. Reckoning the days, however, I fancy Lepidus will cross the sea, before Balbus can meet him. I send copies of Pompey's two dispatches to me. Please note his careless style and my careful answer. I am waiting to see the result of this dash of Caesar's on Brundisium through Apulia. I should like a repetition of the Parthian incident. As soon as I get any news, I will write. Please send me the talk of the loyalists who are said to be numerous at Rome. I know you do not go out, but talk must reach your ears. I remember a book being given to you by Demetrius of Magnesia. It was dedicated to you, and bore the title On Concord. I should be glad if you would let me have it. You see the part I am studying.

quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem sed non tam magno quam tibi fortasse videor. levatur enim omnis cura cum aut constitit consilium aut cogitando nihil explicatur. lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies; sed vereor ne nihil cum proficiam etiam dedecori sim studiis ac litteris nostris. consumo igitur omne tempus considerans quanta vis sit illius viri quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio, 'Vt enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo.' [2] hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea numquam tum in hac causa minime cogitavit. dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum beata et honesta civitas ut esset. nec vero ille urbem reliquit quod eam tueri non posset nec Italiam quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnis terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentis feras armatas in Italiam adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur multis qui una sunt cupientibus. an censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? hodie potest. sed neutri skopos est ille ut nos beati simus; uterque regnare vult. [3] haec a te invitatus breviter exposui. voluisti enim me o quid de his malis sentirem ostendere. Prothespizo igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa cui nemo credidit sed coniectura prospiciens, iamque mari magno— non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari. tanta malorum impendet Ilias. atque hoc nostra gravior est causa qui domi sumus quam illorum qui una transierunt, quod illi [qui] alterum metuunt, nos utrumque. [4] 'cur igitur' inquis 'remansimus?' vel tibi paruimus vel non occurrimus vel hoc fuit rectius. conculcari, inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate +qaut utriusque in+ mancipiis ex omni genere conlectis, nec tam +iptio+ pertimescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, quam +universam+ interitus tantas in confligendo utriusque viris video futuras. habes coniecturam meam. tu autem consolationis fortasse aliquid exspectasti. nihil invenio nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius. quod quaeris quid Caesar ad me scripserit, quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse quod quierim, oratque in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem mandata. iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis si Romam revertisset. verum cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum quam potuerit conveniri. [6] epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me misit neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi notam esse. earum exempla ad te misi. [7] Caesaris hic per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat exspecto. Vtinam aliquid simile Parthicis rebus! simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad te. tu ad me velim bonorum sermones Romae frequentes esse dicuntur. scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen audire te multa necesse est. memini librum tibi adferri a Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio] peri homonoias. Eum mihi velim mittas. vides quam causam mediter.