Gaius Asinius Pollio→Marcus Tullius Cicero|c. 43 BC|Cicero|From Corduba|To Rome|AI-assisted
If you are well, that is good; I too am well. Lepidus is the reason I learned so late about the battles near Mutina: he detained my couriers for nine days. In one sense it is desirable to hear as late as possible about such a disaster for the republic, but only for those who can neither help nor heal it.
Would that, by the same decree with which you summoned Plancus and Lepidus into Italy, you had ordered me to come as well. The republic certainly would not have received this wound. If some people are glad for the moment because commanders and veterans from Caesar's party seem to have perished, they will nevertheless have to grieve later, when they look upon the devastation of Italy. The strength and seedbed of our soldiers has perished, if any part of the reports is true.
I was not blind to how useful I would have been to the republic if I had come to Lepidus. I would have shaken off all his hesitation, especially with Plancus helping. But when a man was writing me the sort of letter you will read, evidently like the speeches he is said to have delivered at Narbo, I had to soothe him if I wanted supply lines while marching through his province. Besides, I feared that if the battle were finished before I completed what I had begun, my detractors would twist my loyal plan in the opposite direction because of my friendship with Antony, though that friendship was no greater than my friendship with Plancus.
So in April at Gades I put pairs of couriers on two ships and wrote to you, to the consuls, and to Octavian, asking you to tell me how I could be of most service to the republic. But as I reckon it, the ships left Gades on the very day Pansa fought his battle, since there had been no sailing after winter before that day. By Hercules, far removed from any suspicion of a coming civil disturbance, I had placed the legions in winter quarters deep in Lusitania. Then both sides hurried to fight as though they feared nothing worse than ending the war without the greatest possible harm to the republic. Still, if haste was necessary, I see that Hirtius acted throughout with the judgment of a first-rate commander.
Now these things are being written and reported to me from Lepidus' part of Gaul: Pansa's army has been cut to pieces; Pansa has died of his wounds; in the same battle the Martian legion perished, along with Lucius Fabatus, Gaius Peducaeus, and Decimus Carfulenus; in Hirtius' battle both the Fourth legion and all Antony's troops equally were cut down, as were Hirtius' own men; the Fourth, after taking Antony's camp as well, was cut to pieces by the Fifth; Hirtius and Pontius Aquila also died there; Octavian too is said to have fallen, and if that is true, may the gods prevent it, I grieve deeply; Antony disgracefully abandoned the siege of Mutina, but has five thousand cavalry, three legions armed and under standards, one legion of Publius Bagiennus, and a good many unarmed men; Ventidius too has joined him with the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth legions; if there is no hope in Lepidus, Antony will descend to extremes and stir up not only whole peoples but even the slaves; Parma has been plundered; Lucius Antonius has occupied the Alps.
If these reports are true, none of us must sit still or wait for what the Senate decrees. The situation itself compels everyone who wants either the command, or indeed the very name, of the Roman people to survive to help against this enormous fire. I hear that Brutus has seventeen cohorts and two understrength legions of recruits, which Antony had enrolled. Still, I do not doubt that all the survivors of Hirtius' army will flow to him. I do not put much hope in a new levy, especially when nothing is more dangerous than allowing Antony time to strengthen himself.
The season gives me greater freedom of action, because the grain is either in the fields or on the farms. So my plan will be made clear in my next letter. I do not want either to fail the republic or to outlive it. What pains me most is that the journey to me is so long and so dangerous that everything is reported to me on the fortieth day after it happened, or even later.
DCCCLXXXVI (Fam. X, 33) C. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (AT ROME) CORDUBA (MAY-JUNE) IF you are well, I am glad. I am also well. Lepidus caused me to be later than I should have been in receiving intelligence of the battles fought near Mutina , for he detained my letter-carriers for nine days. However, it is almost a thing to be desired, that one should be as late as possible in hearing of such a calamity to the Republic, especially for those who can do no good or offer any cure for it. And oh! that by the same decree by which you summoned Plancus and Lepidus into Italy , you had also ordered me to come! Assuredly the Republic would not have sustained this blow. At which, if certain persons rejoice for the moment, because both officers and veterans of Caesar 's party appear to have perished, it is yet inevitable that they will presently have cause to mourn, when they contemplate the havoc of Italy . For the flower and main stock of our soldiers have been destroyed, if at least the news reaching me is in any degree true. Nor do I fail to perceive of how much service to the Republic I was likely to have been, had I come to Lepidus : for I should have dispelled all his hesitation, especially with the aid of Plancus . But it was clearly necessary for me to smooth down a man who writes me the sort of letter which I inclose for your perusal, exactly in the same tone as the harangues which he is said to have delivered at Narbo , if I wished to have any provisions during a march through his province. Besides I was afraid, if the battle took place before I had accomplished my purpose, that my detractors would put an exactly opposite interpretation on my patriotic design on account of my friendship with Antony , which after all was not greater than that with Plancus . Therefore in April having embarked two letter-carriers on two separate ships at Gades , I wrote to you and the consuls and Octavian , requesting to be informed how I could do the best service to the Republic. But, as I calculate the time, the ships started from Gades on the very day on which Pansa fought his battle: for that was the first day since the winter that navigation was possible. And by heaven, being far from any suspicion of the coming civil outbreak, I had put the legions into winter quarters in remote parts of Lusitania . Moreover, both sides were in such a hurry to fight, as though they were afraid of the war being settled without the greatest possible damage to the Republic. However, if such haste was necessary, I perceive that the strategy of Hirtius was in all respects that of a consummate general. At present I have the following news from Lepidus 's district of Gaul by letter and messengers: that Pansa 's army has been cut to pieces; that Pansa has died of his wounds: that in the same battle the Martian legion was annihilated, and L. Tabatus, Gaius Peducaeus , and Decimus Carfulenus killed: that in the battle fought by Hirtius both the fourth legion and all Antony 's alike were cut to pieces, as well as those of Hirtius ; that the fourth, indeed, after also capturing Antony 's camp were annihilated by the fifth: that there Hirtius also and Pontius Aquila perished: that Octavian also is said to have fallen — for this if true, which God forbid! I am exceedingly grieved: that Antony has abandoned the siege of Mutina with disgrace, but has 5,000 cavalry, three legions fully armed and organized, and one commanded by Publius Bagiennus: that Ventidius also with the seventh, eighth, and ninth legions has effected a junction with him: and that if Antony finds nothing to hope for from Lepidus , he will have recourse to extreme measures, and raise not only the native tribes, but also the slaves: that Parma has been sacked: that L. Antonius has occupied the pass of the Alps . Now if these things are true, not one of us ought to be idle or wait for a decree from the senate. For the situation forces all to aid in quenching such a dreadful conflagration, who wish the Empire, or in fact the very name, of the Roman people, to survive. For I hear that Decimus Brutus has only seventeen cohorts, and two weak legions of recruits, which Antony had enrolled. However, I have no doubt the survivors of Hirtius 's army are all flocking to him. For I don't think there is much hope in a levy, especially as, nothing can be more risky than that Antony should have time given him for concentration. The season of the year too gives me more freedom of action, because the corn is by this time in the fields or in the farmhouses. Therefore in my next letter my plans shall be explained: for I do not wish to fail in duty to or to survive the Republic. However, what vexes me most is the length and dangerous nature of the journey to my quarters, the result of which is that no news reaches me till the fortieth day after the event, or even later.
XXXIII. Scr. in Hispania ulteriore ineunte mense Iunio (ante VI. Id.) a.u.c. 711. POLLIO CICERONI SAL. PLUR.
S. v. b. e. e. q. v. Quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis apud Mutinam factis, Lepidus effecit, qui meos tabellarios novem dies retinuit; tametsi tantam calamitatem rei publicae quam tardissime audire optandum est, sed illis, qui prodesse nihil possunt neque mederi. Atque utinam eodem senatus consulto, quo Plancum et Lepidum in Italiam arcessistis, me quoque iussissetis venire! profecto non accepisset res publica hoc vulnus: quo si qui laetantur in praesentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani Caesaris partium interisse, tamen postmodo necesse est doleant, cum vastitatem Italiae respexerint; nam et robur et suboles militum interiit, si quidem, quae nuntiantur, ulla ex parte vera sunt. Neque ego non videbam, quanto usui rei publicae essem futurus, si ad Lepidum venissem; omnem enim cunctationem eius discussissem, praesertim adiutore Planco; sed scribenti ad me eiusmodi litteras, quas leges, [et] concionibus videlicet, quas Narbone habuisse dicitur, similes, palparer necesse erat, si vellem commeatus per provinciam eius iter faciens habere. Praeterea verebar, ne, si, antequam ego incepta perficerem, proelium confectum esset, pium consilium meum raperent in contrariam partem obtrectatores mei propter amicitiam, quae mihi cum Antonio, non maior tamen, quam Planco, fuit. Itaque a Gadibus mense Aprili binis tabellariis in duas naves impositis et tibi et consulibus et Octaviano scripsi, ut me faceretis certiorem, quonam modo plurimum possem prodesse rei publicae; sed, ut rationem ineo, quo die proelium Pansa commisit, eodem a Gadibus naves profectae sunt; nulla enim post hiemem fuit ante eam diem navigatio. Et hercules longe remotus ab omni suspicione futuri civilis tumultus penitus in Lusitania legiones in hibernis collocaram; ita porro festinavit uterque confligere, tamquam nihil peius timerent, quam ne sine maximo rei publicae detrimento bellum componeretur; sed, si properandum fuit, nihil non summi ducis consilio gessisse Hirtium video. Nunc haec mihi scribuntur ex Gallia Lepidi et nuntiantur: Pansae exercitum concisum esse; Pansiam ex vulneribus mortuum; eodem proelio Martiam legionem interisse et L. Fabatum et C. Peducaeum et D. Carfulenum; Hirtino autem proelio et quartam legionem et omnes peraeque Antonii caesas, item Hirtii; quartam vero, cum castra quoque Atnonii cepisset, a quinta legione concisam esse; ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pontium Aquilam; dici etiam Octavianum cecidisse—quae si, quo di prohibeant! vera sunt, non mediocriter doleo—; Antonium turpiter Mutinae obsessionem reliquisse, sed habere equitum V. M., legiones sub signis armatas tres et P. Bagienni unam, inermes bene multos; Ventidium quoque se cum legione VII, VIII, VIIII coniunxisse; si nihil in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et non modo nationes, sed etiam servitia concitaturum; Parmam direptam; L. Antonium Alpes occupasse. Quae si vera sunt, nemini nostrum cessandum est nec exspectandum, quid decernat senatus; res enim cogit huic tanto incendio succurrere omnes, qui aut imperium aut nomen denique populi Romani salvum volunt esse; Brutum enim cohortes XVII et duas non frequentes tironum legiones, quas conscripserat Antonius, habere audio; neque tamen dubito, quin omnes, qui supersint de Hirtii exercitu, confluant ad eum; nam in delectu non multum spei puto esse, praesertim cum nihil sit periculosius quam spatium confirmandi esse Antonio dari. Anni autem tempus libertatem maiorem mihi dat, propterea quia frumenta aut in agris aut in villis sunt. Itaque proximis litteris consilium meum expedietur; nam neque deesse neque superesse rei publicae volo; maxime tamen doleo adeo et longo et infesto itinere ad me veniri, ut die quadragesimo post aut ultra etiam, quam facta sunt, omnia nuntientur.
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If you are well, that is good; I too am well. Lepidus is the reason I learned so late about the battles near Mutina: he detained my couriers for nine days. In one sense it is desirable to hear as late as possible about such a disaster for the republic, but only for those who can neither help nor heal it.
Would that, by the same decree with which you summoned Plancus and Lepidus into Italy, you had ordered me to come as well. The republic certainly would not have received this wound. If some people are glad for the moment because commanders and veterans from Caesar's party seem to have perished, they will nevertheless have to grieve later, when they look upon the devastation of Italy. The strength and seedbed of our soldiers has perished, if any part of the reports is true.
I was not blind to how useful I would have been to the republic if I had come to Lepidus. I would have shaken off all his hesitation, especially with Plancus helping. But when a man was writing me the sort of letter you will read, evidently like the speeches he is said to have delivered at Narbo, I had to soothe him if I wanted supply lines while marching through his province. Besides, I feared that if the battle were finished before I completed what I had begun, my detractors would twist my loyal plan in the opposite direction because of my friendship with Antony, though that friendship was no greater than my friendship with Plancus.
So in April at Gades I put pairs of couriers on two ships and wrote to you, to the consuls, and to Octavian, asking you to tell me how I could be of most service to the republic. But as I reckon it, the ships left Gades on the very day Pansa fought his battle, since there had been no sailing after winter before that day. By Hercules, far removed from any suspicion of a coming civil disturbance, I had placed the legions in winter quarters deep in Lusitania. Then both sides hurried to fight as though they feared nothing worse than ending the war without the greatest possible harm to the republic. Still, if haste was necessary, I see that Hirtius acted throughout with the judgment of a first-rate commander.
Now these things are being written and reported to me from Lepidus' part of Gaul: Pansa's army has been cut to pieces; Pansa has died of his wounds; in the same battle the Martian legion perished, along with Lucius Fabatus, Gaius Peducaeus, and Decimus Carfulenus; in Hirtius' battle both the Fourth legion and all Antony's troops equally were cut down, as were Hirtius' own men; the Fourth, after taking Antony's camp as well, was cut to pieces by the Fifth; Hirtius and Pontius Aquila also died there; Octavian too is said to have fallen, and if that is true, may the gods prevent it, I grieve deeply; Antony disgracefully abandoned the siege of Mutina, but has five thousand cavalry, three legions armed and under standards, one legion of Publius Bagiennus, and a good many unarmed men; Ventidius too has joined him with the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth legions; if there is no hope in Lepidus, Antony will descend to extremes and stir up not only whole peoples but even the slaves; Parma has been plundered; Lucius Antonius has occupied the Alps.
If these reports are true, none of us must sit still or wait for what the Senate decrees. The situation itself compels everyone who wants either the command, or indeed the very name, of the Roman people to survive to help against this enormous fire. I hear that Brutus has seventeen cohorts and two understrength legions of recruits, which Antony had enrolled. Still, I do not doubt that all the survivors of Hirtius' army will flow to him. I do not put much hope in a new levy, especially when nothing is more dangerous than allowing Antony time to strengthen himself.
The season gives me greater freedom of action, because the grain is either in the fields or on the farms. So my plan will be made clear in my next letter. I do not want either to fail the republic or to outlive it. What pains me most is that the journey to me is so long and so dangerous that everything is reported to me on the fortieth day after it happened, or even later.
AI-assisted translation - This translation was produced with AI assistance and has not been peer-reviewed. See the 19th-century translation or original Latin/Greek below for scholarly use.
Latin / Greek Original
XXXIII. Scr. in Hispania ulteriore ineunte mense Iunio (ante VI. Id.) a.u.c. 711. POLLIO CICERONI SAL. PLUR.
S. v. b. e. e. q. v. Quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis apud Mutinam factis, Lepidus effecit, qui meos tabellarios novem dies retinuit; tametsi tantam calamitatem rei publicae quam tardissime audire optandum est, sed illis, qui prodesse nihil possunt neque mederi. Atque utinam eodem senatus consulto, quo Plancum et Lepidum in Italiam arcessistis, me quoque iussissetis venire! profecto non accepisset res publica hoc vulnus: quo si qui laetantur in praesentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani Caesaris partium interisse, tamen postmodo necesse est doleant, cum vastitatem Italiae respexerint; nam et robur et suboles militum interiit, si quidem, quae nuntiantur, ulla ex parte vera sunt. Neque ego non videbam, quanto usui rei publicae essem futurus, si ad Lepidum venissem; omnem enim cunctationem eius discussissem, praesertim adiutore Planco; sed scribenti ad me eiusmodi litteras, quas leges, [et] concionibus videlicet, quas Narbone habuisse dicitur, similes, palparer necesse erat, si vellem commeatus per provinciam eius iter faciens habere. Praeterea verebar, ne, si, antequam ego incepta perficerem, proelium confectum esset, pium consilium meum raperent in contrariam partem obtrectatores mei propter amicitiam, quae mihi cum Antonio, non maior tamen, quam Planco, fuit. Itaque a Gadibus mense Aprili binis tabellariis in duas naves impositis et tibi et consulibus et Octaviano scripsi, ut me faceretis certiorem, quonam modo plurimum possem prodesse rei publicae; sed, ut rationem ineo, quo die proelium Pansa commisit, eodem a Gadibus naves profectae sunt; nulla enim post hiemem fuit ante eam diem navigatio. Et hercules longe remotus ab omni suspicione futuri civilis tumultus penitus in Lusitania legiones in hibernis collocaram; ita porro festinavit uterque confligere, tamquam nihil peius timerent, quam ne sine maximo rei publicae detrimento bellum componeretur; sed, si properandum fuit, nihil non summi ducis consilio gessisse Hirtium video. Nunc haec mihi scribuntur ex Gallia Lepidi et nuntiantur: Pansae exercitum concisum esse; Pansiam ex vulneribus mortuum; eodem proelio Martiam legionem interisse et L. Fabatum et C. Peducaeum et D. Carfulenum; Hirtino autem proelio et quartam legionem et omnes peraeque Antonii caesas, item Hirtii; quartam vero, cum castra quoque Atnonii cepisset, a quinta legione concisam esse; ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pontium Aquilam; dici etiam Octavianum cecidisse—quae si, quo di prohibeant! vera sunt, non mediocriter doleo—; Antonium turpiter Mutinae obsessionem reliquisse, sed habere equitum V. M., legiones sub signis armatas tres et P. Bagienni unam, inermes bene multos; Ventidium quoque se cum legione VII, VIII, VIIII coniunxisse; si nihil in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et non modo nationes, sed etiam servitia concitaturum; Parmam direptam; L. Antonium Alpes occupasse. Quae si vera sunt, nemini nostrum cessandum est nec exspectandum, quid decernat senatus; res enim cogit huic tanto incendio succurrere omnes, qui aut imperium aut nomen denique populi Romani salvum volunt esse; Brutum enim cohortes XVII et duas non frequentes tironum legiones, quas conscripserat Antonius, habere audio; neque tamen dubito, quin omnes, qui supersint de Hirtii exercitu, confluant ad eum; nam in delectu non multum spei puto esse, praesertim cum nihil sit periculosius quam spatium confirmandi esse Antonio dari. Anni autem tempus libertatem maiorem mihi dat, propterea quia frumenta aut in agris aut in villis sunt. Itaque proximis litteris consilium meum expedietur; nam neque deesse neque superesse rei publicae volo; maxime tamen doleo adeo et longo et infesto itinere ad me veniri, ut die quadragesimo post aut ultra etiam, quam facta sunt, omnia nuntientur.