Letter 114

Since your freedman Philogenes had come to Laodicea to pay his respects to me and said he was going to sail off to you at once, I gave him this letter, in which I reply to the one I received from Brutus's letter-carrier. And I shall answer first the last page of yours, which caused me great distress, because of what Cincius wrote to you about Statius's conversation; and the most distressing thing in it is that Statius says this plan is approved by me too. Approved? On that subject I will say only this much: that I could wish for even more bonds of the closest union with you, although those of affection are already the tightest; so far am I from wanting anything loosened in the tie by which we are bound. [2] As for him [Quintus], I have often found by experience that he is apt to speak rather harshly about those affairs, and I have often even soothed him in his anger. I think you know this. And on this travel, or military service, of ours I have often seen him inflamed with anger, and often calmed down. What he wrote to Statius I do not know. Whatever he meant to do about such a matter, he should nevertheless not have written to a freedman about it. But it shall be my greatest care that nothing be done otherwise than we wish and than is proper. And in a matter of this kind it is not enough for each man to answer for himself; indeed the largest part of that responsibility falls to the boy Cicero [young Quintus], or rather to the young man as he now is; and that is just what I am in the habit of urging him to. And it seems to me that he loves his mother very much, as he ought, and is wonderfully fond of you. But the boy's character, though indeed a fine thing, is nonetheless complex; in the governing of which I have trouble enough. [3] Since I have answered the last page of yours with my first, I shall now return to your first. That all the Peloponnesian states are maritime I believed on the maps of Dicaearchus, a man not worthless but even, by your own judgment, an approved authority. He, on many grounds, in the Trophonian narrative of Chaeron, censures the Greeks for this, that they kept so close to the sea, and he excepts no place in the Peloponnese. Although the authority pleased me (for he was a most thorough historian [historikotatos] and had lived in the Peloponnese), I nonetheless wondered, and, scarcely crediting it, I conferred with Dionysius. And he at first was startled; then, because he thought no less well of that Dicaearchus than you do of C. Vestorius, or I of M. Cluvius, he did not doubt that we should believe him. He held that there was in Arcadia a certain maritime Lepreon; but Tenea and Aliphera and Tritia seemed to him newly founded [neoktista], and he confirmed this by the catalogue of the ships [toi ton neon katalogoi], where there is no mention of those places. And so I transferred that passage from Dicaearchus word for word. But I knew that the form 'Phliasii' is used, and see that you have it so; I at least have it so. But at first the analogy had deceived me — Phlious, Opous, Sipous, since they are Opuntii, Sipuntii. But I corrected this at once. [4] I see that you are pleased at my moderation and self-restraint. You would do so all the more if you were here. And in this assize, which I have conducted from the Ides of February at Laodicea up to the Kalends of May for all the districts except that of Cilicia, I have brought about certain marvels. Thus many states have been freed from all their debt, many greatly relieved, and all, using their own laws and law-courts and having attained self-government [autonomian], have come back to life. I gave them the means of freeing or relieving themselves from debt in these two ways: first, that no expense at all was incurred under my command — when I say none, I am not speaking hyperbolically [huperbolikos] — none, I say, not even a farthing. [5] By this circumstance it is incredible how much the states have recovered. A second cause came in addition. There were astonishing thefts committed within the states by the Greeks themselves, by their own magistrates. I myself inquired about those who had held office in the last ten years. They openly confessed. And so, without any disgrace, they restored the moneys to their peoples on their own shoulders. And the peoples, with no groaning, repaid even the arrears of the previous five-year period to the tax-farmers [publicani], to whom they had paid nothing in this very five-year period. And so I am the apple of the tax-farmers' eye. 'Grateful men,' you say. I have felt it. As for the rest, my administration of justice has been both expert and merciful, with a remarkable accessibility; and access to me has been not at all in the provincial manner — nothing through a chamberlain; before dawn I would walk about at home, as I once did as a candidate. These things are welcome and important, and not yet burdensome to me, thanks to that old campaign of mine. [6] On the Nones of May I was thinking of going into Cilicia. There, after I shall have spent the month of June (and would that it might be in peace! for a great war threatens from the Parthians), I shall set the month of July aside for my journey back. For my year of service is earned on the third day before the Kalends of Sextilis [July 30]. And I am in great hope that no extension of time will be granted me. I had the city gazette up to the Nones of March; from it I gathered that, thanks to the firmness of our friend Curio, anything will be transacted sooner than the matter of the provinces. So, as I hope, I shall see you before long. [7] I come to your Brutus — or rather ours, for so you prefer. For my part I have done everything I could either accomplish in my own province or attempt in the kingdom [of Cappadocia]. I have therefore dealt with the king in every way, and deal with him daily, by letter of course. For the king himself I had with me for three or four days, in turbulent circumstances from which I freed him. But both then in person and afterwards by very frequent letters I did not cease to ask and beg for my own sake, and to advise and urge for his. I accomplished much, but how much I do not exactly know, since I am far away. As for the Salaminians (these I was able to constrain), I induced them to be willing to pay the whole debt to Scaptius, but with interest reckoned at one percent per month [centesimae] — and indeed from the most recent bond, and not continuous but renewed each year. The cash was being counted out; Scaptius refused it. You who say that Brutus is eager to lose something? He had four percent per month in the bond. It could not be done, nor, if it could, could I have allowed it. I hear, in fact, that Scaptius is sorry. For as to the decree of the Senate which he said existed, ordering that judgment be given according to the bond — that was passed with this intent, because the Salaminians had borrowed the money contrary to the Gabinian law. Now Aulus's law forbade that judgment be given concerning money so borrowed. The Senate therefore decreed that judgment should be given according to that particular bond. Now that bond has the same legal force as the others, nothing special. [8] These things, done by me in due order, I think I shall prove justified to Brutus; to you I do not know, but to Cato I shall certainly prove them. But now I return to you yourself. Tell me at last, Atticus, you praiser of my integrity and refinement, did you dare with your own mouth — 'so-and-so,' says Ennius — to ask me to give Scaptius cavalry for extracting the money? Or would you, if you were with me — you who write that you are bitten now and then because you are not at my side — would you allow me to do that, if I wished? 'Not more than fifty,' you say. Spartacus at first had fewer men with him. What mischief, pray, would those men not have done in so tender an island? Would they not have done it? Nay rather, what did they not do before my arrival? They held the Salaminian senate shut up in the senate-house for so many days that some of them died of hunger. For Scaptius was prefect under Appius and had squadrons from Appius. So do you ask this of me — you whose face, by Hercules, is wont to hover before my eyes whenever I think of some duty and honor — you, I say, ask me that Scaptius be made prefect? On other occasions I had laid down the rule that no businessman should be one, and I had won Brutus's approval of it. Is he to have squadrons? Why rather than infantry cohorts? Scaptius is now turning out a spendthrift with his expenses. [9] 'The leading men want it,' he says. I know; for they came all the way to Ephesus to me and, weeping, reported to me the crimes of the cavalry and their own miseries. And so I at once gave orders by letter that the cavalry should withdraw from Cyprus before a fixed day, and for that reason, as well as for the others, the Salaminians lifted me to the heavens in their decrees. But what need is there of cavalry now? For the Salaminians are paying — unless perhaps we want to bring it about by arms that they pay interest at four percent per month. And shall I ever dare to read or touch those books which you so praise, if I do any such thing? You have loved Brutus too much in this matter, I tell you, sweetest Atticus; us, I fear, too little. And I have written to Brutus that you wrote this to me. [10] Now learn the rest. On Appius's behalf I do everything here, honorably nonetheless but plainly with goodwill. For I neither hate him myself, and I love Brutus, and Pompey appeals to me wonderfully — Pompey, whom, by Hercules, I esteem more and more each day. You have heard that Gaius Caelius the quaestor is coming here. I do not know what sort of man he is. But those Pammenian matters do not please me. I hope I shall be at Athens in the month of September. I should very much like to know the times of your journeys. The simplicity [euetheia] of Sempronius Rufus I learned from your letter from Corcyra. What more can I say? I envy the influence of Vestorius. I was eager to chatter on still more even now, but day is breaking; the crowd presses, Philogenes is in a hurry. So farewell, and bid Pilia and our dear Caecilia be well in your letters, and accept greetings from my son Cicero.

Your freedman Philogenes has come to visit me at Laodicea and tells me that he is on the point of sailing to join you: so I give him this letter in reply to your letter which I got from Brutus’ letter-carrier. First I will answer your last page which caused me much concern:—that is about Cincius’ communication on the talk he had with Statius. I was particularly concerned at Statius’ remark that the plan had my approval. Approval indeed! I need only say thus much. I wish the ties of friendship to be as many and close as possible between us, though none can be so close as those of our common liking. I am far from wanting the tie between us to be relaxed. Quintus however to my knowledge will often use bitter language on his private affairs, and often I have pacified his anger, as I think you know. On my late tour or military campaign I have seen him often fly in a temper and often calm again. I don’t know what he wrote to Statius; whatever he meant to do, he ought not to have informed a freedman. However I will do my best to prevent any course contrary to our wishes and to propriety. In a case like this it is not enough for a man to make himself responsible for his own conduct only: and indeed the principal share of responsibility attaches to the boy, or young man as he is now, Quintus. This I am always telling him. To me he seems to love his mother greatly, as he should, and to be extremely fond of you. He is a lad of high but complex character, and I have enough to do to guide his conduct. Having devoted my first page to answering your last, I will now return to your first. I relied on the maps of Dicaearchus, a writer of no mean standing and an authority you accept, for the information that all the states of the Peloponnese bordered on the sea. In the account of the cave of Trophonius, which he puts into the mouth of Chaeron, he blames the Greeks on many scores for sticking to the sea coast; and he does not except a single district in the Peloponnese. He was a very accurate historian and lived in the Peloponnese, so that his evidence seemed trustworthy. Still I was surprised and communicated my doubts to Dionysius. Dionysius was startled at first, but finally accepted his authority, since he had as good an opinion of Dicaearchus as you have of C. Vestorius or I of M. Cluvius. Arcadia he agreed had a seaport Lepreon: but Tenea, Aliphera and Tritia were, he considered, more modern, a view he supported by the omission of these places from Homer’s catalogue of the ships. Accordingly I borrowed the passage from Dicaearchus in so many words. I know that Phliasii is the proper form. Please make it so in your copy. I read it in mine. But first of all thinking of Phlious I was misled by a vicious analogy of Opuntii from Opous and Sipuntii from Sipous. But I altered it at once. I see that you are pleased at my unselfish moderation. You would be more pleased, if you were here. In this very assize which I have been holding at Laodicea from the 13th of February to the 1st of May for all the districts except Cilicia, I have done wonders. See how many states have been freed from debt and how many have had their burden lightened. All have revived on acquiring home rule, and using their own enactments in law. I have given them in two ways the chance of freeing themselves or relieving themselves from debt. First by causing them no expense during my administration (and in saying no expense I mean literally not one farthing), which has helped them astonishingly out of their trouble. Secondly the states had suffered from surprising corruption in their own countrymen, that is to say their magistrates. I questioned the men who had held the office of magistrate during the last ten years. They concealed nothing. So without exposure they took on their own backs the repayment of the money: and the communities which had paid the tax-farmers nothing for the present five years have now without any complaints paid up arrears for the last five years too. So I am the apple of their eye to the tax-farmers. “Grateful fellows,” you exclaim. Yes I have experienced their gratitude. The rest of my judicial conduct has been enlightened, but mild and marvellously courteous. There has been none of the difficulty of access so characteristic of provincial governors; and no backstairs jobbery. Before daybreak I walk up and down in my house, as I did of yore when a candidate for office. This is popular and a great boon, and I have not felt it a burden owing to my old training. On the 15th of May I intend to go to Cilicia. After spending the month of June there (and I pray it may be in peace, for a serious war with the Parthians is certainly coming), July I shall spend on my journey home. I shall have served my year on July the 30th. I have great hopes that my tenure of office may not be extended. I have the city gazette up to the 7th of March. I gather that, thanks to the persistence of my friend Curio, appointments to the province will be the last business to be considered. So, as I hope, I shall see you soon. I come now to Brutus, your friend or rather mine, since you prefer it. I have done everything that I could accomplish in my own province or attempt in the kingdom of Cappadocia. I have taken every measure with the king and still do so daily—by letter. The king himself was in my company only for three or four days and at a crisis in his affairs, from which I released him. But both then in person and subsequently in repeated letters I have continually begged and besought him in my own name and advised and persuaded him in his own interest. My efforts have borne fruit: but how much at this distance I cannot tell for certain. The people of Salamis however, whom I could influence, I have induced to consent to settle all their debt with Scaptius, but with interest at 12 per cent calculated from the date of the last contract, and not at simple but compound interest. The money was counted down: but Scaptius refused to take it. What kind of a figure do you cut, who say that Brutus will make a sacrifice? Forty-eight per cent was written in the bond. It was an impossible sum. It could not be paid nor could I have permitted it. I hear after all that Scaptius is sorry. As to his argument from a decree of the Senate ordering judgement to be given according to the bond, the reason for that was that in borrowing the money the people of Salamis contravened the law of Gabinius. Aulus’ law forbade that judgement should be given for money so borrowed. So the Senate decreed that judgement might be given on that particular bond. Now the bond in question has the same validity as other bonds, and no special privilege. I fancy Brutus will admit that my behaviour has been proper. I do not know if you will take that view, but certainly Cato will. Now I come back to yourself. My dear friend, you have praised the nice honour of my conduct “and can you dare with your own mouth,” as Ennius says, ask me to give Scaptius cavalry to collect his debts? Or would you, if you were here,—you who say that you chafe sometimes at not being with me,—would you suffer me to do such a thing, if I wanted? “Not more than fifty men,” you say. Spartacus had fewer men than that at first. The blackguards would have done indescribable damage in such a weak island. Do you say, they would have refrained? Look at the damage they did before I came here. They kept the members of the local Senate prisoners in their Chamber for so long that some died of hunger. For Scaptius was a prefect of Appius, and was allowed some cavalry. Your face is always before my eyes, when I think of duty and honour, and can you, you, I repeat, ask me to give the fellow the office of prefect? I had settled in other cases never to give the office to a man of business, a course which had won the approval of Brutus: and is a fellow like Scaptius to have cavalry? Why should he not be content with a company of foot? He is beginning to live in spendthrift style. The leading people of Salamis insist, he declares. Of course; that is why they came to me and with tears told me of his men’s atrocities and their own miseries. Accordingly I sent a letter at once ordering the cavalry to quit Cyprus by a certain day, and that, as well as other acts of mine, has caused the people of Salamis to praise me to the skies in their decrees. There is no need of cavalry now, for the people are ready to pay,—unless perhaps I want to use force to make them pay 48 per cent interest. Were I to do such a thing, I could never venture to read or touch those volumes which you praise. You, my dear fellow, have had far too much regard for Brutus in the matter. I perhaps not enough. I have informed Brutus of the drift of your letter. Now for the remaining topics. I am pleased to do all I can for Appius here consistently with my honour. I do not dislike him and I like Brutus: and Pompey, for whom I have a higher regard every day, is surprisingly importunate. You have heard that C. Caelius comes here as quaestor. I don’t know why, but I don’t like that affair of Pammenes. I hope to be at Athens in the month of September. Please let me know the dates of your travels. I understood the naïveté of Sempronius Rufus from your letter written in Corcyra. I am really quite jealous of the influence Of Vestorius. I should like to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd is pressing in and Philogenes is in a hurry. Good-bye, give my greetings to Pilia, when you write, and to your daughter: and accept greetings from my son.

Cum Philogenes libertus tuus Laodiceam ad me salutandi causa venisset et se statim ad te navigaturum esse diceret, has ei litteras dedi quibus ad eas rescripsi quas acceperam a Bruti tabellario. et respondebo primum postremae tuae paginae quae mihi magnae molestiae fuit quod ad te scriptum est a Cincio de Stati sermone; in quo hoc molestissimum est, Statium dicere a me quoque id consilium probari. <probari> autem? de isto hactenus dixerim, me vel plurima vincla tecum summae coniunctionis optare, etsi sunt amoris artissima; tantum abest ut ego ex eo quo astricti sumus laxari aliquid velim. [2] illum autem multa de istis rebus asperius solete loqui saepe sum expertus, saepe etiam lenivi iratum. id scire te arbitror. in hac autem peregrinatione militiave nostra saepe incensum ira vidi, saepe placatum. quid ad Statium scripserit nescio. quicquid acturus de tali re fuit, scribendum tamen ad libertum non fuit. mihi autem erit maximae curae ne quid fiat secus quam volumus quamque oportet. nec satis est in eius modi re se quemque praestare ac maximae partes istius offici sunt pueri Ciceronis sive iam adulescentis; quod quidem illum soleo hortari. ac mihi videtur matrem valde, ut debet, amare teque mirifice. sed est magnum illud quidem verum tamen multiplex pueri ingenium; quo ego regendo habeo negoti satis. [3] quoniam respondi postremae tuae paginae prima mea, nunc ad primam revertar tuam. Peloponnesias civitates omnis maritimas esse hominis non nequam sed etiam tuo iudicio probati Dicaearchi tabulis credidi. is multis nominibus in Trophoniana Chaeronis narratione Graecos in eo reprendit quod mare tantum secuti sint nec ullum in Peloponneso locum excipit. quom mihi auctor placeret (etenim erat historikotatos et vixerat in Peloponneso), admirabar tamen et vix adcredens communicavi cum Dionysio. atque is primo est commotus, deinde, quod de [deo cum] isto Dicaearcho non minus bene existimabat quam tu de C. Vestorio, ego de M. Cluvio, non dubitabat quin ei crederemus. Arcadiae censebat esse Lepreon quoddam maritimum; Tenea autem et Aliphera et Tritia neoktista ei videbantur, idque toi ton neon katalogoi confirmabat ubi mentio non fit istorum. itaque istum ego locum totidem verbis a Dicaearcho transtuli. 'Phliasios' autem dici sciebam et ita fac ut habeas; nos quidem sic habemus. sed primo me analogia deceperat, Phlious, Opous, Sipous, quod Opountioi, Sipountioi. sed hoc continuo correximus. [4] laetari te nostra moderatione et continentia video. tum id magis faceres, si adesses. atque hoc foro quod egi ex Idibus Februarus Laodiceae ad Kal. Maias omnium dioecesium praeter Ciliciae mirabilia quaedam effecimus. ita multae civitates omni aere alieno liberatae, multae valde levatae sunt, omnes suis legibus et iudiciis usae autonomian adeptae revixerunt. his ego duobus generibus facultatem ad se aere alieno liberandas aut levandas dedi, uno quod omnino nullus in imperio meo sumptus factus est (nullum cum dico non loquor huperbolikos), nullus inquam, ne terruncius quidem. [5] hac autem re incredibile est quantum civitates emerserint. accessit altera. mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum quae magistratus sui fecerant. quaesivi ipse de iis qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant. aperte fatebantur. itaque sine ulla ignominia suis umeris pecunias populis rettulerunt. populi autem nullo gemitu publicanis quibus hoc ipso lustro nihil solverant etiam superioris lustri <reliqua> reddiderunt. itaque publicanis in oculis sumus. 'gratis' inquis viris. sensimus. iam cetera iuris dictio nec imperita et clemens cum admirabili facilitate; aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per cubicularium; ante lucem inambulabam domi ut olim candidatus. grata haec et magna mihique nondum laboriosa ex illa vetere militia. [6] Nonis Maiis in Ciliciam cogitabam. ibi cum Iunium mensem consumpsissem (atque utinam in pace! magnum enim bellum impendet a Parthis), Quintilem in reditu ponere. annuae enim mihi operae a. d. iii Kal. Sextil. emerentur. Magna autem in spe sum mihi nihil temporis prorogatum iri. habebam acta urbana usque ad Nonas Martias; e quibus intellegebam Curionis nostri constantia omnia potius actum iri quam de provinciis. ergo, ut spero, prope diem te videbo. [7] venio ad Brutum tuum, immo nostrum, sic enim mavis. equidem omnia feci quae potui aut in mea provincia perficere aut in regno experiri. omni igitur modo egi cum rege et ago cotidie per litteras scilicet. ipsum enim triduum quadriduumve mecum habui turbulentis in rebus quibus eum liberavi. sed et tum praesens et postea creberrimis litteris non destiti rogare et petere mea causa; suadere et hortari sua. multum profeci sed quantum non plane, quia longe absum, scio. Salaminios autem (hos enim poteram coercere) adduxi ut totum nomen Scaptio vellent solvere sed centesimis ductis a proxima quidem syngrapha nec perpetuis sed renovatis quotannis. numerabantur nummi; noluit Scaptius. tu qui ais Brutum cupere aliquid perdere? Quaternas habebat in syngrapha. fieri non poterat nec, si posset, ego pati possem. audio omnino Scaptium paenitere. nam quod senatus consultum esse dicebat ut ius ex syngrapha diceretur, eo consilio factum est quod pecuniam Salaminii contra legem Gabiniam sumpserant. vetabat autem Auli lex ius dici de ita sumpta pecunia. decrevit igitur senatus ut ius diceretur ex ista syngrapha. nunc ista habet iuris idem quod ceterae, nihil praecipui. [8] haec a me ordine facta puto me Bruto probaturum, tibi nescio, Catoni certe probabo. sed iam ad te ipsum revertor. ain tandem, Attice, laudator integritatis et elegantiae nostrae, ausus es hoc ex ore tuo&#151; &#151; inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem me rogare? an tu si mecum esses qui scribis morderi te interdum quod non simul sis, paterere me id facere si vellem? 'non amplius' inquis 'quinquaginta.' Cum Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt. quid tandem isti mali in tam tenera insula non fecissent? non fecissent autem? immo quid ante adventum meum non fecerunt? inclusum in curia senatum habuerunt Salaminium ita multos dies ut interierint non nulli fame. erat enim praefactus Appi Scaptius et habebat turmas ab Appio. id me igitur tu cuius me hercule os mihi ante oculos solet versari cum de aliquo officio ac laude cogito, tu me inquam rogas praefectus ut Scaptius sit? Alias hoc statueramus ut negotiatorem neminem idque Bruto probaramus. habeat is turmas? cur potius quam cohortis? sumptu iam nepos evadit Scaptius. [9] 'volunt' inquit 'principes.' scio; nam ad me Ephesum usque venerunt flentesque equitum scelera et miserias suas detulerunt. itaque statim dedi litteras ut ex Cypro equites ante certam diem decederent, ob eamque causam tum ob ceteras Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt. sed iam quid opus equitatu? solvunt enim Salaminii; nisi forte id volumus armis efficere ut faenus quaternis centesimis ducant. et ego audebo legere umquam aut attingere eos libros quos tu dilaudas, si tale quid fecero? nimis inquam in isto Brutum amasti, dulcissime Attice, nos vereor ne parum. atque haec scripsi ego ad Brutum scripsisse te ad me. [10] cognosce nunc cetera. pro Appio nos hic omnia facimus honeste tamen sed plane libenter. nec enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus et Pompeius mirifice a me contendit quem me hercule plus plusque in dies diligo. C. Coelium quaestorem huc venire audisti. nescio quid sit hominis. sed Pammenia illa mihi non placent. ego me spero Athenis fore mense Septembri. tuorum itinerum tempora scire sane velim. euetheian Semproni Rufi cognovi ex epistula tua Corcyraea. quid quaeris? invideo potentiae Vestori. cupiebam etiam nunc plura garrire sed lucet; urget turba, festinat Philogenes. valebis igitur et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostram iubebis litteris et salvebis a meo Cicerone.