Letter 18: Cicero writes to Brutus from Rome to Macedonia in mid July 43 BC.

CICERO GREETS BRUTUS. You have Messalla with you. With what letter, then, however carefully composed, could I succeed in setting out more precisely what is being done and what the state of the Republic is, than the man will lay before you who both knows everything in the best possible way and can unfold it and convey it to you with the greatest elegance? For do not suppose, Brutus (although it is not necessary for me to write to you things that are already known to you; yet I cannot pass over in silence such an outstanding excellence in every kind of merit) -- do not think that anyone is his equal in integrity, steadfastness, diligence, and devotion to the Republic, so that his eloquence, in which he is wonderfully distinguished, scarcely seems to have any room left for praise in him. And yet in this very gift his wisdom is more apparent: with such weighty judgment and so much art has he trained himself in the truest style of speaking. So great, moreover, is his industry, and so much does he labor by night in his studies, that the greatest thanks would seem to be owed not to his natural talent, supreme as it is in him. [2] But I am being carried away by affection. For it is not the purpose of this letter to praise Messalla, especially to Brutus, to whom his virtue is no less known than it is to me, and these very studies that I praise are even better known. Although I bore it heavily when I sent him away from me, I was relieved by this one thing: that in setting out to you, as if to a second self, he was both performing a duty and pursuing the greatest glory. But enough of this. [3] I come now, after a long interval indeed, to a certain letter of yours, in which, while granting me many things, you found fault with one thing only -- that I was excessive, and as it were extravagant, in decreeing honors. That is your criticism; another's perhaps would be that I was too harsh in censure and punishment, unless by chance you blame me for both. And if that is so, I am eager that my judgment in both matters should be most fully known to you -- and not only that I may quote the saying of Solon [the Athenian lawgiver, one of the Seven Sages], who was both the wisest of the Seven and the only lawgiver among the Seven. He said that the Republic is held together by two things, reward and punishment. There is of course a measure to both these things, as to the rest, and a certain mean in each kind. But this is not the place to debate so great a matter. [4] What aim I have followed in this war in delivering my opinions [in the Senate], however, I do not think it amiss to disclose. After the death of Caesar and your memorable Ides of March, Brutus, you have not forgotten what I said had been left undone by you and your companions, and how great a storm I declared was hanging over the Republic. A great plague had been driven off through you, a great stain on the Roman people wiped out, and divine glory indeed won by you; but the instrument of kingship had been handed over to Lepidus and Antony, of whom the one is more fickle, the other more corrupt, both fearing peace, enemies to quiet. Against these men, blazing with the desire to throw the Republic into confusion, we had no garrison that could be set up in opposition; for the state had roused itself, united in keeping its liberty. [5] We were then too fierce; you, perhaps more wisely, withdrew from the city that you had liberated, and, when Italy professed her zeal for you, you declined it. And so, when I saw that the city was held by the parricides and that neither you nor Cassius could be safe in it, and that it was crushed by Antony's arms, I thought that I too must depart; for it was a foul spectacle -- a state crushed by impious men, with the power of giving aid cut off. But the same spirit as ever, fixed in love of country, could not bear a departure from her dangers. And so, in the middle of my voyage to Achaea, when on the days of the Etesian winds a south wind had carried me back to Italy, as if to dissuade me from my plan, I saw you at Velia and grieved intensely. For you were withdrawing, Brutus, you were withdrawing -- since our Stoics deny that the wise man flees. [6] When I came to Rome, I at once threw myself against the crime and madness of Antony. And having stirred him up against me, I began to undertake plans plainly Brutus-like (for these belong to the blood of your family) for the freeing of the Republic. What remains is long and must be passed over, for it concerns me. I say only this: that this young Caesar, through whom we still exist -- if we are willing to confess the truth -- flowed from the spring of my counsels. [7] The honors paid to him by me were none, indeed, Brutus, except those owed, none except those necessary. For as soon as we began to recall liberty, when not even the divine valor of Decimus Brutus had yet so stirred itself that we could already know of it, and when all our protection lay in the boy who had turned Antony away from our throats, what honor was not to be decreed to him? Although I then granted him praise in words, and that moderate, I also decreed imperium [military command authority] for him; which, although it seemed an honor for that age of his, was nevertheless necessary for one possessing an army. For what is an army without imperium? Philippus decreed a statue; Servius at first the right to stand for office early, and afterwards Servilius an even greater concession. Nothing then seemed too much. [8] But somehow men are more easily found generous in fear than grateful in victory. For I, when, on the freeing of D. Brutus, that most joyful day had dawned upon the state, and it happened by chance to be the birthday of Brutus, decreed that in the calendar the name of Brutus should be inscribed on that day; and in this I followed the example of our ancestors, who paid this honor to the woman Larentia, at whose altar in the Velabrum you pontiffs are accustomed to perform sacrifice. And in granting this to Brutus, I wished there to be in the calendar an everlasting mark of a most welcome victory. And on that day I learned that there are a few more malevolent men in the Senate than grateful ones. During those very days I poured out, if you will have it so, honors upon the dead -- on Hirtius and Pansa, and on Aquila too. Who will blame this, except one who, having laid aside his fear, has forgotten the past danger? [9] To the grateful memory of the benefit was added that consideration which would be salutary even to posterity. For I wished there to stand, against the most cruel enemies, everlasting monuments of public hatred. I suspect that this is less approved by you, what was not approved by your intimate friends, excellent men indeed but unschooled in public affairs: that I decreed that Caesar should be permitted to enter in ovation. But I (though perhaps I am mistaken, and yet I am not the sort of man whom my own doings especially please) seem to myself to have judged nothing more prudently in this war. Why this is so must not be disclosed, lest I seem to have been more far-sighted than grateful. This itself is too much; so let us look at other matters. I decreed honors to D. Brutus, I decreed them to L. Plancus. Those are indeed splendid spirits who are drawn on by glory; but the Senate too is wise, which uses any means -- only honorable ones -- by which it thinks each man can be led to help the Republic. But in the case of Lepidus we are blamed: for, having set up a statue to him on the Rostra, we ourselves overturned it. We sought by honor to recall him from his madness. The frenzy of that most worthless man overcame our prudence; yet not so much harm was done in setting up Lepidus's statue as good in overturning it. [10] Enough about honors; now a few things must be said about punishment. For I have understood often from your letters that you wish your clemency to be praised toward those whom you have defeated in war. I judge, indeed, that you do nothing except wisely; but to pass over the punishment of a crime (for that is what is called pardoning), even if it is tolerable in other matters, I think is ruinous in this war. For there has been no civil war in our Republic, of all that have occurred within my memory, in which -- whichever side had won -- there would not still be some form of Republic to come. In this war I cannot easily affirm what kind of Republic we victors shall have; for the vanquished there will certainly never be any. I therefore delivered opinions against Antony, I delivered severe ones against Lepidus, not so much for the sake of vengeance as that I might both deter wicked citizens in the present, through fear, from assailing their country, and establish for the future a warning, so that no one should wish to imitate such madness. [11] And yet this opinion was no more mine than everyone's. In it there seems to be this element of cruelty, that the punishment reaches the children, who have deserved nothing. But this is both ancient and characteristic of all states, since even the children of Themistocles were reduced to want; and if the same punishment follows citizens condemned by judgment, how could we be more lenient toward enemies? But what can anyone complain of regarding me, when he must confess that, had he won, he would have been more bitter toward me? You have the rationale of my opinions on this kind of matter, at least as far as honor and punishment are concerned; for as to other matters, what I have thought and what I have proposed, I suppose you have heard. [12] But these things indeed are not so necessary; this is very necessary, Brutus -- that you come into Italy with your army as soon as possible. The expectation of you is at its height. For if you set foot in Italy, there will be a rush of everyone to you. For whether we have conquered -- and we had indeed conquered most gloriously, had not Lepidus longed to destroy everything and to perish himself with his own followers -- we have need of your authority to establish some settled order of the state; or if even now a struggle remains, our greatest hope lies both in your authority and in the strength of your army. But hurry, by the gods! You know how much lies in timing, how much in speed. [13] How diligently I look after your sister's sons, I hope you will learn from your mother's and your sister's letters. In this matter I have more regard for your wish, which is most dear to me, than -- as I seem to some -- for my own consistency. But in nothing do I prefer to be and to seem consistent than in loving you.

§ Brut.1.15 CMIX (Brut. I, 15) TO M. IUNIUS BRUTUS (IN MACEDONIA) ROME (MIDDLE OF JULY) You have Messalla with you. What letter, therefore, can I write with such minute care as to enable me to explain to you what is being done and what is occurring in public affairs, more thoroughly than he will describe them to you, who has at once the most intimate knowledge of everything, and the talent for unfolding and conveying it to you in the best possible manner? For beware of thinking, Brutus — for though it is unnecessary for me to write to you what you know already, yet I cannot pass over in silence such eminence in every kind of greatness-beware of thinking, I say, that he has any parallel in honesty and firmness, care and zeal for the Republic. So much so that in him eloquence — in which he is extraordinarily eminent-scarcely seems to offer any opportunity for praise. Yet in this accomplishment itself his wisdom is made more evident; with such excellent judgement and with so much acuteness has he practised himself in the most genuine style of rhetoric. Such also is his industry, and so great the amount of midnight labour that he bestows on this study, that the chief thanks would not seem to be due to natural genius, great as it is in his case. But my affection carries me away: for it is not the purpose of this letter to praise Messalla, especially to Brutus; to whom his excellence is not less known than it is to me, and these particular accomplishments of his which I am praising even better. Grieved as I was to let him go from my side, my one consolation was that in going to you who are to me a second self; he was performing a duty and following the path of the truest glory. But enough of this I now come, after a long interval of time, to a certain letter of yours, in which, while paying me many compliments, you find one fault with me — that I was excessive and, as it were, extravagant in proposing votes of honour. That is your criticism: another's, perhaps, might be that I was too stern in inflicting punishment and exacting penalties, unless by chance you blame me for both. If that is so, I desire that my principle in both these things should be very clearly known to you. And I do not rely solely on the dictum of Solon, who was at once the wisest of the Seven and the only lawgiver among them. He said that a state was kept together by two things-reward and punishment. Of course there is a certain moderation to be observed in both, as in everything else, and what we may call a golden mean in both these things. But I have no intention to dilate on such an important subject in this place. But what has been my aim during this war in the motions I have made in the senate I think it will not be out of place to explain. After the death of Caesar and your ever memorable Ides of March, Brutus, you have not forgotten what I said had been omitted by you and your colleagues, and what a heavy cloud I declared to be hanging over the Republic. A great pest had been removed by your means, a great blot on the Roman people wiped out, immense glory in truth acquired by yourselves: but an engine for exercising kingly power had been put into the hands of Lepidus and Antony, of whom the former was the more fickle of the two, the latter the more corrupt, but both of whom dreaded peace and were enemies to quiet. Against these men, inflamed with the ambition of revolutionizing the state, we had no protecting force to oppose. For the fact of the matter was this: the state had become roused as one man to maintain its liberty; I at the time was even excessively warlike; you, perhaps with more wisdom, quitted the city which you had liberated, and when Italy offered you her services declined them. Accordingly, when I saw the city in the possession of parricides, and that neither you nor Cassius could remain in it with safety, and that it was held down by Antony 's armed guards, I thought that I too ought to leave it: for a city held down by traitors, with all opportunity of giving aid cut off, was a shocking spectacle. But the same spirit as always had animated me, staunch to the love of country, did not admit the thought of a departure from its dangers. Accordingly, in the very midst of my voyage to Achaia, when in the period of the Etesian gales a south wind — as though remonstrating against my design — had brought me back to Italy, I saw you at Velia and was much distressed: for you were on the point of leaving the country, Brutus — leaving it, I say, for our friends the Stoics deny that wise men ever “flee.” As soon as I reached Rome I at once threw myself in opposition to Antony 's treason and insane policy: and having roused his wrath against me, I began entering upon a policy truly Brutus -like — for this is the distinctive mark of your family — that of freeing my country. The rest of the story is too long to tell, and must be passed over by me, for it is about myself. I will only say this much: that this young Caesar, thanks to whom we still exist, if we would confess the truth, was a stream from the fountain-head of my policy. To him I voted honours, none indeed, Brutus, that were not his due, none that were not inevitable. For directly we began the recovery of liberty, when the divine excellence of even Decimus Brutus had not yet bestirred itself sufficiently to give us an indication of the truth, and when our sole protection depended on the boy who had shaken Antony from our shoulders, what honour was there that he did not deserve to have decreed to him? However, all I then proposed for him was a complimentary vote. of thanks, and that too expressed with moderation. I also proposed a decree conferring imperium on him, which, although it seemed too great a compliment for one of his age, was yet necessary for one commanding an army — for what is an army without a commander with imperium? Philippus proposed a statue; Servius at first proposed a licence to stand for office before the regular time. Servilius afterwards proposed that the time should be still farther curtailed. At that time nothing was thought too good for him. But somehow men are more easily found who are liberal at a time of alarm, than grateful when victory has been won. For when that most joyful day of Decimus Brutus 's relief from blockade had dawned on the Republic and happened also to be his birthday, I proposed that the name of Brutus should be entered in the fasti under that date. And in that I followed the example of our ancestors, who paid this honour to the woman Laurentia, at whose altar in the Velabrum you pontiffs are accustomed to offer sacrifice. And when I proposed this honour to Brutus I wished that there should be in the fasti an eternal memorial of a most welcome victory: and yet on that very day I discovered that the ill-disposed in the senate were somewhat in a majority over the grateful. In the course of those same days I lavished honours — if you like that word-upon the dead Hirtius, Pansa, and even Aquila. And who has any fault to find with that, unless he be one who, no sooner an alarm is over, forgets the past danger? There was added to this grateful memorial of a benefit received some consideration of what would be for the good of posterity also; for I wished that there should exist some perpetual record of the popular execration of our most ruthless enemies. I suspect that the next step does not meet with your approbation. It was disapproved by your friends, who are indeed most excellent citizens, but inexperienced in public business. I mean my proposing an ovation for Caesar. For myself; however — though I am perhaps wrong, and I am not a man who believes his own way necessarily right — I think that in the course of this war I never took a more prudent step. The reason for this I must not reveal, lest I should seem to have a sense of favours to come rather than to be grateful for those received. I have said too much already: let us look at other points. I proposed honours to Decimus Brutus, and also to Lucius Plancus. Those indeed are noble spirits whose spur to action is glory but the senate also is wise to avail itself of any means — provided that they are honourable — by which it thinks that a particular man can be induced to support the Republic. But — you say — I am blamed in regard to Lepidus: for, having placed his statue on the Rostra, I also voted for its removal. I tried by paying him a compliment to recall him from his insane policy. The infatuation of that most unstable of men rendered my prudence futile. Yet all the same more good was done by demolishing the statue of Lepidus, than harm by putting it up. Enough about honours; now I must say a few words about penalties. For I have gathered from frequent expressions in your letters that in regard to those whom you have conquered in war, you desire that your clemency should be praised. I hold, indeed, that you do and say nothing but what becomes a philosopher. But to omit the punishment of a crime — for that is what “pardoning” amounts to-even if it is endurable in other cases, is mischievous in a war like this. For there has been no civil war, of all that have occurred in the state within my memory, in which there was not certain to be some form of constitution remaining, whichever of the two sides prevailed. In this war, if we are victorious, I should not find it easy to affirm what kind of constitution we are likely to have; if we are conquered, there will certainly never be any. I therefore proposed severe measures against Antony, and severe ones also against Lepidus, and not so much out of revenge as in order that I might for the present prevent unprincipled men by this terror from attacking their country, and might for the future establish a warning for all who were minded to imitate their infatuation. However, this proposal was not mine more than it was everybody's. The point in it which had the appearance of cruelty was that the penalty extended to the children who did not deserve any. But that is a thing of long standing and characteristic of all states. For instance, the children of Themistocles were in poverty. And if the same penalty attaches to citizens legally condemned in court, how could we be more indulgent to public enemies? What, moreover, can anyone say against me when he must confess that, had that man conquered, he would have been still more revengeful towards me? Here you have the principles which dictated my senatorial proposals, at any rate in regard to this class of honours and penalties. For, in regard to other matters, I think you have been told what opinions I have expressed and what votes I have given. But all this is not so very pressing What is really pressing, Brutus, is that you should come to Italy with your army as soon as possible. There is the greatest anxiety for your arrival. Directly you reach Italy all classes will flock to you. For whether we win the victory — and we had in fact won a most glorious one, only that Lepidus set his heart on ruining everything and perishing himself with all his friends-there will be need of your counsel in establishing some form of constitution. And even if there is still some fighting left to be done, our greatest hope is both in your personal influence and in the material strength of your army. But make haste, in God's name! You know the importance of seizing the right moment, and of rapidity What pains I am taking in the interests of your sister's children, I hope you know from the letters of your mother and sister. In undertaking their Cause I show more regard to your affection, which is very precious to me, than, as some think, to my own consistency. But there is nothing in which I more wish to be and to seem consistent than in loving you.

[XV] Scr. Romae circ. med. in. Quint, a. 711 (43) CICERO BRVTO SAL. Messalam habes. quibus igitur litteris tam accurate scriptis adsequi possum, subtilius ut explicem quae gerantur quaeque sint in re publica, quam tibi is exponet qui et optime omnia novit et elegantissime expedire et deferre ad te potest? cave enim existimes, Brute (quamquam non necesse est ea me ad te quae tibi nota sunt scribere; sed tamen tantam omnium laudum excellentiam non queo silentio praeterire), cave putes probitate, constantia, cura, studio rei publicae quicquam illi esse simile, ut eloquentia, qua mirabiliter excellit, vix in eo locum ad laudandum habere videatur; quamquam in hac ipsa sapientia plus apparet; ita gravi iudicio multaque arte se exercuit in verissimo genere dicendi. tanta autem industria est tantumque evigilat in studio ut non maxima ingenio, quod in eo summum est, gratia habenda videatur. [2] sed provehor amore. non enim id propositum est huic epistulae Messalam ut laudem, praesertim ad Brutum cui et virtus illius non minus quam mihi nota est et haec ipsa studia quae laudo notiora. quem cum a me dimittens graviter ferrem, hoc levabar uno, quod ad te tamquam ad alterum me proficiscens et officio fungebatur et laudem maximam sequebatur. sed haec hactenus. [3] venio nunc longo sane intervallo ad quandam epistulam, qua mihi multa tribuens unum reprehendebas quod in honoribus decernendis essem nimius et tamquam prodigus. tu hoc; alius fortasse, quod in animadversione poenaque durior, nisi forte utrumque tu. quod si ita est, utriusque rei meum iudicium studeo tibi esse notissimum +neque solum ut Solonis dictum usurpem+ qui et sapientissimus fuit ex septem et legum scriptor solus ex septem. is rem publicam contineri duabus rebus dixit, praemio et poena. est scilicet utriusque rei modus sicut reliquarum et quaedam in utroque genere mediocritas. sed non tanta de re propositum est hoc loco disputare; [4] quid ego autem secutus hoc bello sim in sententiis dicendis aperire non ahenum puto. post interitum Caesaris et vestras memorabilis Idus Mart., Brute, quid ego praetermissum a vobis quantamque impendere rei publicae tempestatem dixerim non es oblitus. Magna pestis erat depulsa per vos, magna populi Romani macula deleta, vobis vero parta divina gloria, sed instrumentum regni delatum ad Lepidum et Antonium; quorum alter inconstantior, alter impurior, uterque pacem metuens, immicus otio. his ardentibus perturbandae rei publicae cupiditate quod opponi posset praesidium non habebamus; erexerat enim se civitas in retinenda libertate consentiens, [5] nos tum nimis acres, vos fortasse sapientius excessistis urbe ea quam liberaratis, Italiae sua vobis studia profitenti remisistis. itaque cum teneri urbem a parricidis viderem nec te in ea nec Cassium tuto esse posse eamque armis oppressam ab Antonio, mihi quoque ipsi esse excedendum putavi; taetrum enim spectaculum oppressa ab impiis civitas opitulandi potestate praecisa. sed animus idem qui semper infixus in patriae caritate discessum ab eius periculis ferre non potuit. itaque in medio Achaico cursu cum etesiarum diebus auster me in Italiam quasi dissuasor mei consili rettulisset, te vidi Veliae doluique vehementer. cedebas enim, Brute, cedebas, quoniam Stoici nostri negant fugere sapientis. [6] Romam ut veni, statim me obtuli Antoni sceleri atque dementiae. quem cum in me incitavissem, consilia imre coepi Brutina plane (vestri enim haec sunt propria sanguinis) rei publicae liberandae. longa sunt, quae restant, praetereunda; sunt enim de me; tantum dico, Caesarem hunc adulescentem, per quem adhuc sumus si verum fateri volumus, fluxisse ex fonte consiliorum meorum. [7] huic habiti a me honores nulli quidem, Brute, nisi debiti, nulli nisi necessarii. Vt enim primum libertatem revocare coepimus, cum se nondum ne Decimi quidem Bruti divina virtus ita commovisset ut iam id scire possemus, atque omne praesidium esset in puero qui a cervicibus nostris avertisset Antonium, quis honos ei non fuit decernendus? quamquam ego illi tum verborum laudem tribui eamque modicam, decrevi etiam imperium; quod quamquam videbatur illi aetati honorificum, tamen erat exercitum babenti necessarium. quid enim est sine imperio exercitus? statuam Philippus decrevit, celeritatem petitionis primo Servius, post maiorem etiam Servilius. nihil tum nimium videbatur. [8] sed nescio quo modo facilius in timore benigni quam in victoria grati reperiuntur. ego enim, D. Bruto liberato cum laetissimus ille civitati dies inluxisset idemque casu Bruti natalis esset, decrevi ut in fastis ad eum diem Bruti nomen adscriberetur, in eoque sum maiorum exemplum secutus qui hunc honorem mulieri Larentiae tribuerunt, cuius vos pontifices ad aram in Velabro sacrificium facere soletis. quod ego cum dabam Bruto, notam esse in fastis gratissimae victoriae sempiternam volebam. atque illo die cognovi paulo pluris in senatu malevolos esse quam gratos. per eos ipsos dies effudi, si ita vis, honores in mortuos, Hirtium et Pansam, Aquilam etiam. quod quis reprehendet, nisi qui deposito metu praeteriti periculi fuerit oblitus? [9] accedebat ad benefici memoriam gratam ratio illa quae etiam posteris esset salutaris. exstare enim volebam in crudelissimos hostis monimenta odi publici sempiterna. suspicor illud tibi minus probari quod a tuis familiaribus, optimis illis quidem viris sed in re publica rudibus, non probabatur, quod ut ovanti introire Caesari liceret decreverim. ego autem (sed erro fortasse nec tamen is sum ut mea me maxime delectent) nihil mihi videor hoc bello sensisse prudentius. cur autem ita sit aperiendum non est, ne magis videar providus fuisse quam gratus. hoc ipsum nimium; qua re alia videamus. D. Bruto decrevi honores, decrevi L. Planco. praeclara illa quidem ingenia quae gloria invitantur, sed senatus etiam sapiens qui qua quemque re putat, modo honesta, ad rem publicam iuvandam posse adduci hac utitur. at in Lepido reprehendimur; cui cum statuam in rostris statuissemus, idem illam evertimus. nos illum honore studuimus a furore revocare. vicit amentia levissimi hominis nostram prudentiam; nec tamen tantum in statuenda Lepidi statua factum est mali quantum in evertenda boni. [10] satis multa de honoribus; nunc de poena pauca dicenda sunt. intellexi enim ex tuis saepe litteris te in iis quos bello devicisti clementiam tuam velle laudari. existimo equidem nihil a te nisi sapienter; sed sceleris poenam praetermittere (id enim est quod vocatur ignoscere), etiam si in ceteris rebus tolerabile est, in hoc bello perniciosum puto. nullum enim bellum civile fuit in nostra re publica omnium quae memoria mea fuerunt, in quo bello non, utracumque pars vicisset, tamen aliqua forma esset futura rei publicae. hoc bello victores quam rem publicam simus habituri non facile adfirmarim, victis certe nulla umquam erit. dixi igitur sententias in Antonium, dixi in Lepidum severas neque tam ulciscendi causa quam ut et in praesenti sceleratos civis timore ab impugnanda patria deterrerem et in posterum documentum statuerem ne quis talem amentiam vellet imitari. [11] quamquam haec quidem sententia non magis mea fuit quam omnium. in qua videtur illud esse crudele, quod ad liberos qui nihil meruerunt poena pervenit. sed id et antiquum est et omnium civitatum, si quidem etiam Themistocli liberi eguerunt; et si iudicio damnatos eadem poena sequitur civis, qui potuimus leniores esse in hostis? quid autem queri quisquam potest de me, qui si vicisset acerbiorem se in me futurum fuisse confiteatur necesse est? habes rationem mearum sententiarum de hoc genere dumtaxat honoris et poenae; nam de ceteris rebus quid senserim quidque censuerim audisse te arbitror. [12] sed haec quidem non ita necessaria, illud valde necessarium, Brute, te in Italiam cum exercitu venire quam primum. summa est exspectatio tui. quod si Italiam attigeris, ad te concursus fiet omnium. Sive enim vicerimus, qui quidem pulcherrime viceramus nisi Lepidus perdere omnia et perire ipse cum suis concupivisset, tua nobis auctoritate opus est ad conlocandum aliquem civitatis statum; sive etiam nunc certamen reliquum est, maxima spes est cum <in> auctoritate tua tum in exercitus tui viribus. sed propera, per deos! scis quantum sit in temporibus, quantum in celeritate. [13] sororis tuae filiis quam diligenter consulam spero te ex matris et ex sororis litteris cogniturum. qua in causa maiorem habeo rationem tuae voluntatis quae mihi carissima est quam, ut quibusdam videor, constantiae meae. sed ego nulla in re malo quam in te amando constans et esse et videri.